NOVEL TUNGGAK-TUNGGAK JATI STRATEGI MENCARI TITIK TEMU ETNIS JAWA-TIONGHOA: SEBUAH KAJIAN POSKOLONIAL

NOVEL TUNGGAK-TUNGGAK JATI

STRATEGI MENCARI TITIK TEMU ETNIS JAWA-TIONGHOA:

SEBUAH KAJIAN POSKOLONIAL

Venny Indria Ekowati

FBS Universitas Negeri Yogyakarta

ABSTRAK

Hubungan baik antara etnis Jawa dan Tionghoa mulai merosot pada sekitar awal abad ke-19 karena keterlibatan etnis Tionghoa dalam konflik internal kraton Keadaan ini diperparah dengan penerapan politik devide et impera yang diduga merupakan akar dari deskriminasi etnis Tionghoa di Indonesia. novel Tunggak-Tunggak Jati (TTJ) merupakan novel Jawa yag dalam struktur naratifnya berusaha membaurkan etnis Jawa-Tionghoa melalui proses asimilasi. Proses tersebut tergambar dalam jalan cerita serta penokohan yang digolongkan dalam dua generasi. Generasi pertama etnis Tionghoa dan etnis Jawa dalam novel ini masih mengusung stereotip etnis. Hal ini dimaksudkan untuk menunjukkan kondisi riil di masyarakat tentang pandangan etnis Jawa kepada etnis Tionghoa dan sebaliknya. Generasi pertama ini dalam alur cerita berikutnya akan mendapatkan kesadaran-kesadaran bahwa stereotip yang selama ini sudah kekal dalam diri mereka sebagai bentuk mind set dapat berubah karena adanya penyadaran-penyadaran dari generasi kedua. Jika tidak mendapatkan penyadaran, maka orang-orang dari generasi pertama ini akan dihilangkan dalam cerita atau tampil sebagai orang-orang yang kalah. Generasi kedua dalam novel ini diisi oleh tokoh-tokoh yang merupakan anak dari generasi pertama. Tokoh-tokoh dari generasi kedua mempunyai cara pandang yang berbeda kepada masing-masing etnis. Stigma yang selama ini melekat pada pola pikir generasi pertama dikikis oleh para tokoh generasi kedua. Generasi ini lebih menghargai etnis yang lain, dan cenderung menganggap tidak ada satu etnis yang lebih tinggi kedudukan dan derajatnya daripada etnis yang lain.

Novel Tunggak-Tunggak Jati merupakan novel yang memuat keinginan dan angan-angan kolektif etnis Jawa untuk menempatkan dirinya sejajar, bahkan lebih tinggi daripada etnis Tionghoa yang dalam ordonansi warisan kolonial berada satu tingkat lebih tinggi. TTJ juga mengisyaratkan pentingnya asimilasi dan pembauran antaretnis Jawa dan Tionghoa. Novel ini juga mengusung amanat bahwa pada generasi kedua (generasi penerus), sentimen antaretnis Jawa-Tionghoa tidak perlu terjadi lagi, kesejajaran antaretnis Jawa dan Tionghoa dapat selalu terpelihara sehingga tidak timbul deskriminasi-deskriminasi etnis yang merugikan berbagai pihak.

A.    Meretas Permasalahan Etnis Jawa-Tionghoa

Hubungan baik antara etnis Jawa dan Tionghoa mulai merosot pada sekitar awal abad ke-19 karena keterlibatan etnis Tionghoa dalam konflik internal kraton (Wahid, 2003: 73-74). Keadaan ini diperparah dengan penerapan politik devide et impera yang diduga merupakan akar dari deskriminasi etnis Tionghoa di Indonesia. Sistem politik warisan kolonialisme ini membagi para penduduk menjadi tiga golongan. Golongan teratas dalam pelapisan sosial ini adalah golongan Eropa (Europeanen), golongan kedua Vreemde Oosterlingen atau golongan Timur Asing seperti Tionghoa, India, dan Arab. Golongan yang ketiga adalah Inlander atau pribumi (Pemilia, 2006).

Golongan Eropa menempati tempat tertinggi dan secara penuh mengendalikan struktur dan roda perekonomian. Lapisan kedua adalah para pedagang Cina yang sama-sama merupakan pendatang di Indonesia. Etnis ini mempunyai jiwa dagang yang tinggi, modal yang cukup, dan mempunyai kedekatan dengan bangsa Belanda. Etnis Cina melalui keunggulannya dalam bidang ekonomi, mampu menjalankan roda perekonomian. Sedangkan masyarakat lokal Jawa (pribumi) cenderung menjadi objek, konsumen, dan sumber tenaga murah bagi bagi kolonial maupun etnis Cina. Orang pribumi yang notabene merupakan tuan rumah bagi ras kulit putih dan etnis Tionghoa digambarkan sebagai jongos yang hidupnya tergantung pada majikan. Sebagai orang yang tidak punya kuasa dan harta, hanya punya tenaga yang dijual dengan harga murah.

Penggolongan atau pelapisan masyarakat di atas, tertuang dalam Regeringsreglement tahun 1854. Etnis Jawa merupakan salah satu etnis yang merasakan dampak ordonansi. Oleh Hinda Belanda, politik ini secara efektif digunakan untuk memunculkan batas antara etnis Tionghoa dan etnis Jawa. Batas etnis dibangun dengan membangun stigma-stigma etnis. Etnis Jawa digambarkan sebagai golongan inferior, tidak jujur, bodoh, dan selalu memusuhi etnis Tionghoa. Sebaliknya etnis Tiongoa digambarkan sebagai suatu komunitas yang licik, eksklusif, kikir, dan srigala ekonomi, sehingga di bawah sadar timbul kebencian yang mendalam dari golongan pribumi terhadap etnis Tionghoa (Winarta, 2005). Penggambaran ini kemudian menjadi stigma kolektif etnis yang terpelihara sejak berabad-abad silam. Stigma yang masih tersimpan dalam benak masyarakat ini sangat riskan untuk memunculkan gejolak-gejolak sosial dalam masyarakat.

Upaya-upaya untuk menetralisir hal ini diusahakan melalui dialog-dialog, seminar, penulisan buku, pembuatan film, penulisan karya sastra berupa novel, puisi, dan lain-lain. Upaya ini pada dasarnya dimaksudkan agar keberadaan komunitas Tionghoa tidak semata-mata dipandang dengan cara pandang politis sebagai eksploitator ekonomi, tetapi lebih secara sosiokultural sebagai salah satu bagian yang secara integratif membentuk identitas masyarakat (Purwanto, 2007).

B.    Kajian Poskolonial

Kritik Poskolonial dipakai dalam makalah ini, karena novel Tunggak-Tunggak Jati (TTJ) dalam struktur naratifnya berusaha membaurkan etnis Jawa-Tionghoa melalui proses asimilasi. Seperti yang telah dipahami bersama, kritik pascakolonial memiliki karakter untuk mengungkap warisan-warisan akibat hubungan kuasa antara penguasa koloni dan subjek koloni (Foulcher dan Day, 2006: xii). Keretakan hubungna antaretnis Jawa dan Tionghoa juga merupakan warisan kebijakan kolonial yang masih kentara, berkepanjangan, bahkan sampai koloni memperoleh kemerdekaannya. Hal ini senada dengan pendapat Liliani (2007: 35), yang menyatakan bahwa studi pasca kolonial juga menelaah dampak perjumpaan dengan kolonial (colonial encounter), kaitannya dengan konstruk identitas, politik, sistem kemasyarakatan, hukum, serta bangunan kebudayaan. Oleh karena itu, kritik ini diharapkan dapat menafsirkan Novel TTJ dalam perspektif poskolonial.

C.    Novel Tunggak-Tunggak Jati

Novel TTJ merupakan salah satu novel yang di dalamnya tersusun upaya-upaya untuk mencari titik temu antara etnis Jawa-Tionghoa melalui proses asimilasi. Seperti dinyatakan oleh Suryadinata (2003), bahwa nasionalisme Indonesia dikonstruksi berdasarkan konsep kepribumian. Oleh karena itu etnis Tionghoa diposisikan sebagai orang asing (nonpribumi) dan pendatang baru yang tidak bisa diterima dalam masyarakat sebelum mereka mengasimilasi diri. Teknik asimilasi dalam novel ini dilakukan dengan strategi perjodohan antara etnis Jawa dan Tionghoa. Novel TTJ yang ditulis oleh Esmiet ini terdiri dari 13 bab yang termuat dalam 99 halaman buku. Novel ini diterbitkan oleh PT. Dunia Pustaka Jaya yang beralamat di Jl. Kramat II, No. 31A, Jakarta Pusat pada tahun 1977.

Deklarasi-deklarasi sebagai proses usaha pembauran antara etnis Jawa-Tionghoa, digaungkan selama beberapa periode sejarah, misalnya Manifesto Politik Bung Hatta-1 November 1945, dan Piagam Asimilasi Ambarawa-1961. Novel TTJ seakan-akan merupakan bentuk dukungan dan persetujuan terhadap deklarasi-deklarasi yang digaungkan sebagai proses pembauran (asimilasi) etnis Tionghoa dengan etnis Jawa.

D.    Novel Tunggak-Tunggak Jati dalam Tinjauan Poskolonial

Seperti dikatakan di atas, novel TTJ dipandang sebagai karya sastra yang berusaha untuk mencari titik temu antara etnis Jawa-Tionghoa. Sentimen etnis yang merupakan warisan kolonial berusaha dikikis dengan cara menghadirkan generasi-generasi baru (dalam makalah ini disebut dengan generasi kedua) yang merupakan wakil-wakil dari masing-masing etnis yang memiliki pandangan berbeda mengenai tipikal etnisnya dengan generasi sebelumnya.

1.      Generasi Pertama

Generasi pertama etnis Tionghoa dan etnis Jawa dalam novel ini masih mengusung stereotip etnis. Hal ini dimaksudkan untuk menunjukkan kondisi riil di masyarakat tentang pandangan etnis Jawa kepada etnis Tionghoa dan sebaliknya. Generasi pertama ini dalam alur cerita berikutnya akan mendapatkan kesadaran-kesadaran bahwa stereotip yang selama ini sudah kekal dalam diri mereka sebagai bentuk mind set dapat berubah karena adanya penyadaran-penyadaran dari generasi kedua. Jika tidak mendapatkan penyadaran, maka orang-orang dari generasi pertama ini akan dihilangkan dalam cerita atau tampil sebagai orang-orang yang kalah.

Generasi pertama dan stereotipnya tampak dalam pembahasan di bawah ini.

a.      Bapak dan Ibu Karsonto

Bapak dan Ibu Karsonto merupakan orang tua dari Karmodo dan Karsini. Bapak dan Ibu Karsonto merupakan wakil generasi pertama dari etnis Jawa, sedangkan Karmodo dan Karsini merupakan wakil generasi kedua dari etnis Jawa. Bapak Ibu Karsonto masih mengusung stereotip etnis Jawa yang  lemah, tidak berdaya, dan selalu menaruh curiga pada etnis Tionghoa. Sifat ini tampak dalam kutipan berikut.

Pak Karsonto biyen tau dipisuh-pisuhi kalane isih manggon sadesa ana ing Manting. Malah ora trima sadesa, nanging sasat dadi saomah. Jalaran Pak Karsonto lanang wadon kuwi buruhe. Kulawargane Karsonto diwenehi papan ana ing omah cilik ing pojok pekarangane, supaya yen ana pikongkonan sawayah-wayah, ora kangelan nggoleki (Esmiet, 1977: 11).

‘Dahulu Pak Karsonto pernah dimaki-maki, saat masih tinggal satu desa di Manting. Tidak hanya tinggal satu desa, malah serumah. Karena Bapak dan Ibu Karsonto tersebut buruhnya. Keluarga Karsonto diberi tempat tinggal berupa rumah kecil di sudut pekarangan. Supaya kalau sewaktu-waktu disuruh, tidak sulit untuk mencarinya’

Embuh sabab apa, rong taun kepungkur Pak Karsonto sing wis dadi buruhe telung puluh tahun lawase, ujug-ujug njaluk metu saka pagaweyane lan pamitan bakal ngalih menyang desa Kalidawir. ‘Entah apa sebabnya, dua tahun yang lalu Pak Karsonto yang sudah tiga puluh tahun bekerja sebagai buruhnya, tiba-tiba minta berheni dari pekerjaannya, dan pamit akan pindah ke desa Kalidawir’(Esmiet, 1977: 11).

Kutipan di atas menunjukkan bahwa keluarga Karsonto sebagai wakil etnis Jawa pada novel ini hanya berprofesi sebagai pesuruh yang hidupnya bergantung kepada seorang etnis Tionghoa yang menjadi majikannya. Pak Karsonto dan keluarganya sudah 30 tahun menjadi pesuruh Bian Biau, etnis Tionghoa yang menguasai daerah tersebut. Saat Pak Karsonto meminta berhenti, Bian Biau tidak terima dan mengatakan bahwa keluarga Pak Karsonto masih mempunyai hutang, karena kalau Ibu Karsonto sakit, Bian Biau yang memberi ongkos untuk berobat. Oleh karena itu, Bian Biau meminta Karsini (adik Karmodo) tetap tinggal dan menjadi pembantu di sana.

Lagi-lagi tipikal etnis Jawa yang nrima dan serba ngalah tampak di sini. Pak Karsonto tanpa mengemukakan ketidaksetujuannya, mengabulkan permintaan Bian Biau. Akhirnya anak bungsunya ditinggal di rumah Bian Biau untuk menjadi pembantu sampai hutang-hutangnya kepada Bian Biau lunas. Selain stereotip bahwa etnis Jawa hanya mampu menjadi pembantu, selalu mengalah, dan lain-lain, sikap etnis Jawa yang selalu menaruh curiga pada etnis Tinghoa juga tampak dalam kutipan berikut.

 “…aja nganti kulawargane dadi gedibale Cina. Lha kok kowe malah nekad arep dadi gundhik, coba …” ‘Jangan sampai keluarganya menjadi budak Cina. Lha kamu malah nekat ingin menjadi gundik orang Cina’ (Esmiet, 1977: 21).

Kutipan di atas menunjukkan sikap kecurigaan etnis Jawa yang diwakili oleh Bapak dan Ibu Karsonto terhadap etnis Tionghoa. Saat anak perempuannya (Karsini) menjalin hubungan dekat dengan etnis Tionghoa, mereka menunjukkan ketidaksetujuannya. Menurut mereka, etnis Tionghoa hanya menginginkan perempuan dari etnis Jawa sebagai gundik (istri simpanan dan bukan istri yang sah), hanya dipelihara dan tidak diberi hak seperti layaknya istri. Pandangan ini pada alur cerita selanjutnya akan dilawan dengan kisahan-kisahan wakil etnis dari generasi kedua yang menunjukkan bahwa etnis Tionghoa pada generasi berikutnya akan lebih menghargai perempuan Jawa, dan menikahinya sebagai istri yang syah, bahkan bersedia untuk memeluk agama yang sama dengan yang dipeluk oleh perempuan Jawa tersebut.

b.     Tan Bian Biau

Tan Bian Biau adalah majikan keluarga Karsonto. Bian Biau merupakan wakil etnis Tionghoa yang masih memegang teguh prinsip bahwa etnis Tionghoa lebih unggul daripada etnis Jawa. Bahkan Bian Biau meyakini bahwa orang Jawa dan keturunan-keturunannya tidak mungkin memperbaiki nasib dan selamanya hanya mampu menjadi jongos. Hal ini tampak dalam kutipan berikut.

 “Pak Karsonto, bapake Karmodo kuwi tilas jongosku. Ora bisa anake jongos dadi insinyur…,” celathune Bian Biau karo menjep. ‘Pak Karsonto, bapaknya Karmodo itu bekas jongosku. Tidak akan mungkin anak jongos bisa jadi insinyur, kata Bian Biau sambil mencibir’ (Esmiet, 1977: 10-11).

Selain itu, Bian Biau juga tampil sebagai etnis Tionghoa dengan stigma yang biasa melekat pada etnis Tionghoa yaitu licik, eksklusif, kikir, dan srigala ekonomi, suka menyuap, dan mampu mengorbankan segala hal demi uang. Srigala ekonomi memang tampak jelas dalam perwatakan Bian Biau, sebagai wakil etnis Tionghoa generasi pertama dalam novel ini. Kelicikan Bian Biau tampak dalam taktiknya dalam mempermainkan peraturan pemerintah dalam hal pembukaan hutan sebagai lahan perkebunan. Menurut peraturan yang berlaku, penduduk yang sanggup bekerja pada perusahaan diberi hak untuk menanam tanaman lain, selain tanaman baku. Tetapi kemudian tanah-tanah tersebut semuanya disewakan kepada Bian Biau, dan para penduduk hanya bekerja untuk Bian Biau. Dengan jumlah tanah yang berhektar-hektar tersebut Bian Biau mampu mengekspor hasil kebunnya sampai ke Jepang. Hal ini kemudian diketahui oleh Karmodo yang diberi wewenang oleh pemerintah untuk mengatur wilayah yang dikuasi oleh Bian Biau.

Karmodo bersikap keras kepada Bian Biau. Bahkan mengancam akan menutup semua perkebunan yang disewa Bian Biau, karena selama ini Bian Biau dianggap melanggar peraturan. Karena seharusnya hak menanam di luar tanaman baku tersebut merupakan imbalan kepada para pembuka lahan untuk meningkatkan kesejahteraan mereka. Tetapi ternyata malah disewakan kepada Bian Biau. Hal ini menyalahi aturan dan Karmodo bermaksud untuk menegakkan aturan tersebut. Sifat Bian Biau yang lain yaitu mampu melakukan apa saja demi uang. Untuk menaklukkan Karmodo, berbagai cara dilakukan oleh Bian Biau dari usaha untuk menyuap, sampai mengorbankan dua orang anaknya untuk menaklukkan hati Karmodo.

Sebenarnya Bian Biau sendiri juga memperistri seorang perempuan Jawa, dan mempunyai satu orang anak yaitu Lien Nio, tetapi Bian Biau tidak pernah berhubungan dengan keluarga istrinya yang berasal dari etnis Jawa. Hal ini tampak dalam kutipan berikut:

“Neng Parijatah, kowe mesthi arep menyang omahe kulawarga saka ibumu, iya? Emane kowe wiwit cilik ora ditepungake marang kulawarga ing Parijatah.” “Di Parijatah, kamu pasti akan menuju ke rumah kerabat ibumu, iya? Sayangnya sejak kecil (kamu) tidak pernah dikenalkan dengan kerabat yang ada di Parijatah.” (Esmiet, 1977: 60).

Bian Biau memang melarang anaknya berhubungan dengan keluarga ibunya karena Biau Biau menganggap etnis Jawa rendah dan hina. Seperti dalam kutipan berikut ini.

…Papah mesthi isih nganggep ina marang wong Jawa, nganti Papah lali yen Mamah uga wong Jawa. Apa aku dudu turune wong Jawa?...Papah pasti masih menganggap hina orang Jawa, sampai Papah lupa bahwa Mamah juga orang Jawa. Apa aku juga bukan keturunan orang Jawa? (Esmiet, 1977: 13).

c.      Ing Hwat

Ing Hwat juga merupakan wakil generasi pertama yang pada dirinya masih melekat kuat stereotip etnis Tionghoa. Ing Hwat yang merupakan pedagang besar juga masih menganggap etnis Tionghoa lebih tinggi derajatnya daripada orang Jawa. Hal ini tampak ketika anaknya Ing Liem tertangkap basah memberi tumpangan kepada Karsini, seperti dalam kutipan berikut.

Kowe apa arep gawe isinku, ya? Lha wong anake Pak Karsonto wae ndadak kokboncengake barang. Kokjak sir-siran? Salawase wong Jawa iku potongan jongos, potongan babu. Apa kowe ora isin karo kanca-kanca sabangsamu?” ‘Kamu ingin membuatku malu, ya? Lha cuma anaknya Pak Karsonto saja harus kamu beri tumpangan. Kamu ajak bersukaan? Selamanya orang Jawa itu potongan jongos, potongan babu. Apa kamu tidak malu dengan teman-teman sebangsamu?” (Esmiet, 1977: 20).

Tokoh-tokoh yang mewakili generasi pertama dari dua etnis ini, dalam alur cerita selanjutnya memperoleh penyadaran-penyadaran. Bapak/ Ibu Karsonto sadar bahwa etnis Tionghoa juga bisa membaur dengan etnis Jawa, karena Karmodo, anaknya sendiri berhubungan dengan keturuan etnis Tionghoa. Sedangkan Ing Hwat dan Bian Biau mulai menghargai etnis Jawa, dan tidak melarang anak-anaknya mempunyai hubungan dengan etnis Jawa. Walaupun ijin untuk berhubungan dengan etnis Jawa ini masih didasari keinginan agar dekat dengan Karmodo, etnis Jawa yang sekarang punya kekuasaan.

2.      Generasi Kedua

Generasi kedua dalam novel ini diisi oleh tokoh-tokoh yang merupakan anak dari generasi pertama. Tokoh-tokoh dari generasi kedua mempunyai cara pandang yang berbeda kepada masing-masing etnis. Stigma yang selama ini melekat pada pola pikir generasi pertama dikikis oleh para tokoh generasi kedua. Generasi ini lebih menghargai etnis yang lain, dan cenderung menganggap tidak ada satu etnis yang lebih tinggi kedudukan dan derajatnya daripada etnis yang lain. Beberapa pendapat generasi kedua mengenai etnis Jawa maupun etnis Tionghoa dapat dilihat pada pembahasan berikut.

a.      Karsini dan Ing Liem

Karsini dan Ing Liem merupakan wakil etnis Jawa dan Tionghoa generasi kedua. Keduanya menjalin hubungan kasih, dan tentu saja hubungan ini ditentang oleh orang tua masing-masing yang masih memegang teguh sentimen antaretnis. Berbeda dengan pendapat orang tua masing-masing, Ing Liem dan Karsini mempunyai pandangan yang berbeda tentang etnis Jawa dan etnis Tionghoa. Hal ini nampak pada pembelaan Karsini kepada Ing Liem, maupun pembelaan Ing Liem saat hubungan mereka ditentang baik oleh orang tua Karsini maupun Ing Liem. Seperti dalam kutipan berikut.

“Sing arep dadi gundhik sapa ta, Mbok? Aran gundhik kuwi rak yen dirabi singkek sing sadurunge wis duwe anak bojo, mung diingoni thok tanpa diwenehi hak kaya dene wong bebrayan lumrah. Balik Ing Liem kuwi niyate becik marang aku. Malah dheweke janji saguh kawin cara agamaku. Coba? Apa kaya ngono kuwi gundhik?”

“Arepa janji piye wae, jenenge wong Jawa dikawin Cina kuwi nistha, dakomongi. Nistha!” Emboke nggetak ora kalah santak (Esmiet, 1977: 21).

“Yang mau jadi gundik itu siapa Mbok? Yang dinamakan gundik itu kalau dinikahi singkek yang sudah beranak istri, cuma dipelihara saja tanpa diberi hak selayaknya orang berkeluarga. Sebaliknya Ing Liem punya niat baik. Malah dia berjanji, sanggup untuk menikah dengan cara sesuai agamaku. Coba? Apa seperti itu masih disebut gundik?”

“Walaupun sanggup berjanji seperti apapun, jika orang Jawa kawin dengan Cina itu namanya nista, kuberitahu. Nista!” Ibunya membentak dengan suara yang tidak kalah kerasnya.

Ing Liem sendiri sebagai wakil etnis Tionghoa generasi kedua menyadari sepenuhnya bahwa selama ini etnis Tionghoa telah melakukan banyak hal-hal yang merugikan. Ing Liem juga merasa bahwa etnis Tionghoa hanya menumpang hidup di bumi Indonesia. Oleh karena itu, dia bertekad untuk memperbaiki sikap etnis Tionghoa, walaupun hanya di kalangan keluarganya. Seperti dalam kutipan berikut.

 “Anu kok, Mas, aku isih panggah ngugemi janjiku biyen. Kepengin melu ngowahi sikepe bangsaku sing melu nunut urip ing bumi Indonesia kene.” “Anu kok Mas, aku masih tetap menepati janjiku dulu. Ingin ikut merubah sikap bangsaku yang menumpang hidup di bumi Indonesia ini.”

“Kasil ora? Saora-orane ing kalangane kulawargamu dhewe, ngono ta janjimu biyen?”  “Berhasil tidak? Setidak-tidaknya di kalangan keluargamu sendiri, seperti itu kan janjimu dulu?” (Esmiet, 1977: 23).

b.     Lien Nio

Lien Nio dalam novel ini adalah figur yang mengalami kegamangan karena ketidakjelasan identitas dirinya. Di satu pihak, dia hidup dan dibesarkan di lingkungan etnis Tionghoa, tetapi dalam berbagai hal dia menggugat cara-cara yang dilakukan oleh ayahnya dalam usaha mengeruk keuntungan. Bahkan Lien Nio memilih pergi dari rumah karena tidak mau menuruti nafsu serakah ayahnya untuk merayu Karmodo demi mendapat ijin sewa tanah yang menjadi hak tanam para pembuka lahan. Selain itu, dia juga tidak setuju dengan sikap etnis Tionghoa yang selalu merendahkan dan menghina etnis Jawa.

Lien Nio berdarah campuran. Ibunya seorang etnis Jawa, sedangkan ayahnya etnis Tionghoa. Keberadaan ibu kandung Lien Nio tidak jelas. Selama ini dia tinggal bersama ayahnya Bian Biau dan ibu tirinya yang juga etnis Tionghoa, Bun Lian Nio. Lien Nio juga tidak diijinkan untuk mengenal keluarga dari ibu kandungnya karena ayahnya menganggap orang Jawa lebih rendah derajatnya, sehingga dia melarang  anaknya bergaul dengan etnis Jawa.

Untuk mengatasi problem tentang kegamangan identitas dirinya, Lien Nio melakukan peniruan atau mimikri dengan cara mengidentifikasikan dirinya dengan orang Jawa. Mimikri pada dasarnya merupakan keinginan menjadi subjek yang berbeda, yang hampir sama, tetapi tidak sepenuhnya (as subject of a difference, that is almost the same, menyebutkan not quite) (Bhabha, 1994: 86).

Mimikri yang dilakukan oleh Lien Nio meliputi peniruan dalam identitas yang paling mendasar yaitu nama, cara berfikir, dan cara berpakaian. Karena mimikri inilah, orang-orang dari etnis Jawa, walaupun dari generasi pertama pun bersedia menerima kehadiran Lien Nio. Seperti keluarga Bapak Karsonto yang tidak keberatan jika Lien Nio menikah dengan Karmodo. Hal ini tampak dalam kutipan berikut.

“Nek prekara sesambungane masmu karo Lien Nio, aku lan embokmu ora kabotan. Jalaran Lien Nio kuwi njawani katimbang nyinani. Mula aku setuju. ‘Kalau masalah hubungan kakakmu dengan Lien Nio, aku dan ibumu tidak keberatan. Karena Lien Nio lebih njawani daripada nyinani. Makanya aku setuju’. (Esmiet, 1977: 22).

Lie Nio berusaha menanggalkan identitas dirinya sebagai etnis Tionghoa dengan cara mengganti nama Tionghoa-nya dengan nama Jawa Tarlinah, dan merubah cara berpakaiannya seperti orang Jawa, seperti dalam kutipan berikut.

 “Kira-kira wae, kowe iki mrina, jalaran wong tuwamu seneng ngenyek marang wong Jawa. Mangka ibumu kuwi wong Jawa.”

 “Nitik kowe banjur macak cara Jawa, lan kowe ora seneng yen diundang Lien Nio.” Lien Nio isih meneng.

“Awit kowe wis duwe jeneng Jawa, yaiku Tarlinah, rak iya ta?”

Lagi Lien Nio manthuk. Nanging eluhe isih dleweran. (Esmiet, 1977: 60).

“Kira-kira saja, kamu ikut tidak terima, karena orang tuamu suka menghina orang Jawa. Padahal ibumu sendiri orang Jawa.”

“Melihat kamu kemudian berdandan ala Jawa, dan kamu tidak suka jika dipanggil Lien Nio.” Lien Nio masih terdiam.

“Karena kamu sudah punya nama Jawa, yaitu Tarlinah, iya kan?” Lien Nio kemudian mengangguk. Tetapi air matanya masih mengalir deras.

Lien Nio juga berusaha untuk menegaskan identitasnya sebagai etnis Jawa. Hal ini nampak pada kutipan beerikut.

 “Niki mpun tekan, Yuk,” kandhane tukang dhokar kuwi.

“Ampun ngundang Yuk teng kula, Pak. Kula sanes Cina,” semanthane Lien, ewa. Apa maneh dheweke wektu iku menganggo jaritan (Esmiet, 1977: 57).

                       

                        “Sudah sampai, Yuk,” kata tukang dokar itu.

                        “Jangan panggil saya Yuk, Pak. Saya bukan orang Cina, kata Lien dengan perasaan kurang senang. Apalagi saat itu dirinya memakai kain.

Pada dasarnya setiap individu ingin memiliki identitas sosial yang positif. Hal tersebut dalam rangka mendapatkan pengakuan dan persamaan sosial. Jika identitasnya sebagai anggota suatu kelompok kurang berharga, akan muncul fenomena misidentification, yaitu upaya untuk mengidentifikasi diri pada kelompok lain yang dianggap lebih baik. Dalam hal ini Lien Nio yang besar di lingkungan etnis Tionghoa lebih memilih mengidentifikasikan dirinya dengan kelompok etnis Jawa, yang menurutnya lebih baik, dan sesuai dengan identitas ibu kandungnya (Susetyo, tt).

c.      Karmodo sebagai Pendobrak Stigma Etnis Jawa

Stigma sebagai etnis rendahan, miskin, dan selalu tunduk pada etnis Tionghoa melekat pada etnis Jawa. Stigma ini dalam novel TTJ, masih muncul pada orang tua Karmodo, yaitu Pak Karsonto. Pak Karsonto sekeluarga bekerja sebagai jongos di rumah Bian Biau, seorang etnis Tionghoa. Selama bekerja, orang tua Karmodo diperlakukan dengan tidak adil. Bahkan selama 30 tahun masa kerjanya, orang tua Karmodo dianggap masih mempunyai setumpuk hutang kepada Bian Biau.

Narator selaku fokalisator ekstern menggambarkan sosok Karmodo sebagai deus ex machina dalam pengertian klasik sebagai ‘dewa yang turun dari langit’. Bertahun-tahun Karmodo menghilang tanpa jejak. Tidak diceritakan secara logis mengenai keberadaan Karmodo, dan secara tiba-tiba setelah 10 tahun kepergian Karmodo, pemuda ini hadir sebagai sosok tak terkalahkan yang mempunyai pangkat dan kekuasaan melebihi Bian Biau, majikannya terdahulu. Narator secara intensif menggambarkan sosok Karmodo sebagai penguasa. Pada bab pertama, tampak bahwa Karmodo ingin merombak sistem penggarapan hutan yang diatur secara licik oleh Bian Biau, seorang etnis Tionghoa yang selama ini dengan bebas memutarbalikkan aturan pemerintah dalam hal penebangan hutan demi keuntungannya sendiri. Melalui fokalisasi, tampaknya stigma negatif tentang ketidakberdayaan etnis Jawa berusaha untuk dikikis. Oleh narator, Karmodo sebagai orang Jawa diunggulkan. Beberapa kutipan yang menampilkan kekuasaan Karmodo tampak dalam kutipan berikut ini.

Saiki Ir. Karmodo wiwit migunakake sikepe penggedhe kang arep nyrengeni andhahane. Dheweke mbenakake lungguhe, terus rembugan sarwa cekak ngudhal prabawa. ‘Sekarang Ir. Karmodo menggunakan sikapnya sebagai seorang pembesar yang akan memarahi anak buahnya. Dia membenarkan letak duduknya, lalu berbicara pendek-pendek, menebar kewibawaannya’ (Esmiet, 1977: 8).

Senajan basane Pak Direktur marang dheweke isih jangkep, nanging Kaudin krasa banget yen prentah iku ora kena dilirwakake. ‘Walaupun bahasa Pak Direktur kepada dirinya masih sopan, tetapi Kaudin merasakan sekali bahwa perintah tersebut tidak boleh disepelekan’  (Esmiet, 1977: 9).

Bareng wong-wong sing padha kaceluk lan misuwur iku malah prasasat padha nyembah marang Karmodo, wong-wong Kalidawir lagi padha ngerti yen anake Pak Karsonto iku tetela dudu wong baen-baen ‘Saat orang-orang yang terkenal dan berkedudukan tinggi itu sekarang malah menyembah Karmodo, orang-orang Kalidawir baru paham kalau anak Pak Karsoto itu ternyata bukan orang sembarangan’ (Esmiet, 1977: 19).

Ing Hwat, sing duwe toko gedhe dhewe ing pasar Kalidawir banjur ngerti yen Karmodo saiki dadi wong pangkat, malah ngluwihi Pak Mujahit. Mula niyate sing arep nembung Karsini supaya dadi rewang ing omahe, sakala diwurungake. ‘Ing Hwat, yang memiliki toko paling besar di Pasar Kalidawir kemudian paham kalau sekarang Karmodo sudah jadi orang berpangkat, malah melebihi Pak Mujahit. Oleh karena itu, niatnya untuk meminta Karsini menjadi pembantu di rumahnya, saat itu juga langsung diurungkan’ (Esmiet, 1977: 19).

Kemejane putih lengen dawa lan clana biru laut iku durung tau metu saka koper. Klambi iku klambi pethingan. Aja bakal sowan ing ngarsane penggedhe ora bakal nganggo setelan iku ‘Kemeja putih lengan panjang dan celana biru laut itu belum pernah keluar dari koper. Baju itu baju andalan. Jika bukan karena ingin menghadap pembesar, tidak akan mungkin setelan itu dipakai’(Esmiet, 1977: 32)

Bian Biau krasa puyeng sirahe. Wis ana lapuran marang dheweke yen Pak Mujahit ora kasil nelukake atine insinyur mudha Karmodo ‘Bian Biau merasa pusing. Sudah ada laporan padanya kalau Pak Mujahit tidak berhasil menaklukkan hati insinyur muda Karmodo’ (Esmiet, 1977: 37).

Kutipan-kutipan di atas merupakan penggambaran narator yang bertujuan untuk memberikan gambaran tentang kekuasaan Karmodo. Karmodo sendiri digambarkan sebagai seorang raja kecil di daerah kekuasaannya. Karmodo hadir sebagai seorang penguasa yang sontak memutarbalikkan keadaan yang sudah berpuluh tahun berjalan di Kalidawir. Narator berusaha membangun image bahwa Karmodo berkedudukan jauh di atas orang-orang yang selama ini berkuasa di Kalidawir. Mulai dari para mandor yang selama ini dikendalikan oleh etnis Tionghoa sampai Bian Biau, etnis Tionghoa yang menguasai perekonomian di Kalidawir.

Narator secara intensif membangun image Karmodo. Jika Karmodo sedang berhubungan dengan pelaku cerita yang lain, narator cenderung menggunakan kata ganti yang diberi embel-embel dengan kata Pak, maupun gelar Insinyur atau Insinyur mudha. Kutipan di atas juga menunjukkan bahwa narator berusaha untuk menampilkan Karmodo yang notabene sebagai wakil etnis Jawa sebagai super hero, penguasa semua orang, penakluk, penentu nasib orang lain, orang yang kekuasaannya melebihi siapapun, ditakuti, disegani, dihormati, bahkan disembah oleh semua orang. Diceritakan pula ada beberapa orang yang gemetar ketakutan bila berhadapan dan berbicara langsung dengan Ir. Karmodo.

Kutipan nomor empat di atas juga menunjukkan kekaguman salah satu orang terkaya di daerah Kalidawir, yang juga merupakan etnis Tinghoa kepada Karmodo. Kutipan tersebut memberi pesan bahwa orang Tionghoa pun kagum akan kekuasaan Karmodo, sehingga keinginan untuk menjadikan etnis Jawa pada generasi kedua, dalam hal ini diwakili oleh Karsini (adik Karmodo) yang merupakan etnis Jawa, pada kedudukannya semula (sebagai pembantu) diurungkan. Karena orang Jawa generasi kedua (terwakili oleh Karmodo) bukan stereotip orang Jawa dahulu yang hanya bisa berkedudukan sebagai pembantu.

Tampilnya Karmodo merupakan media pencapaian angan-angan kolektif orang Jawa yang selama ini ditempatkan pada lapisan sosial di bawah etnis Tionghoa. Karmodo merupakan sosok etnis Jawa yang dikedepankan untuk mendobrak stigma etnis Jawa yang selama ini terbangun. Karmodo merupakan generasi kedua yang berbeda jauh kedudukannya dengan orang tuanya yang hanya merupakan jongos etnis Tionghoa. Karmodo merupakan penguasa, pembesar, orang berpangkat yang kedudukannya di atas etnis Tionghoa yang selama ini menjadi majikan orang tuanya.

Selain digambarkan sebagai penguasa, pembesar, dan lain-lain Karmodo juga digambarkan mempunyai sifat-sifat positif yang menonjol. Hal ini juga merupakan media penyalur angan-angan kolektif orang Jawa tentang sifat orang Jawa sebenarnya. Beberapa kutipan tentang penggambaran sifat-sifat Karmodo tampak dalam kutipan berikut ini.

“Ngadhepi pimpinan siji iki repot, Yuk. Dheweke ora tedhas sogokan!” Bian Biau banjur mepetake lambene menyang kupinge Lauri. Bisik-bisik. Lauri gebes maneh.  “Gak isa Yuk. Tuan Ali, pedagang kayu saka Bandawasa, tau diusir warasan jalaran nawani bangsane ngono-ngono iku.” Sopire sumambung: “Embuh nek Cik Lien sing sampeyan wenehake.”

“Menghadapi pimpinan satu ini repot Yuk. Dia tidak mempan disuap!” Bian Biau lalu merapatkan bibirnya ke telinga Lauri. Membisikkan sesuatu. Lauri menggeleng lagi. “Tidak bisa Yuk. Tuan Ali, pedagang kayu dari Bandawasa, pernah diusir mentah-mentah karena menawarkan hal-hal seperti itu.” Sopirnya menyambung: “Entah kalau Cik Lien yang Anda berikan.”

Kutipan di atas semakin memberikan gambaran superioritas Karmodo. Etnis Jawa yang pada masa tersebut mempunyai tipikal mudah disuap dan penurut.Karmodo dibangun sebagai sosok pemimpin yang tidak mempan disuap, disogok, dan tidak suka main perempuan.

Novel TTJ merupakan novel dengan skenario untuk mengasimilasikan etnis Tionghoa agar bisa berbaur dengan etnis Jawa melalui proses perjodohan. Beberapa peristiwa yang terjalin dalam novel ini mengindikasikan bahwa etnis Jawa pun merupakan pilihan yang tidak kalah berharga untuk dijadikan pasangan bagi etnis Tionghoa. Hal ini tercermin dalam kisah cinta antara Siau Yung dan Ing Liem. Siau Yung dan Ing Liem semula sudah bertunangan, tetapi selanjutnya Ing Liem lebih memilih perempuan dari etnis Jawa, yaitu Karsini untuk dijadikan kekasihnya. Begitu pula dengan Siau Yung, dia lebih memilih laki-laki dari etnis Jawa, yaitu Karmodo untuk dipilih sebagai pasangan daripada Ing Liem, walaupun Karmodo lebih memilih kakak Siau Yung yang merupakan campuran Jawa-Tionghoa untuk menjadi pasangannya.

Selain mengusung misi pembauran etnis Jawa-Tionghoa, novel ini juga menempatkan Karmodo, wakil dari etnis Jawa dalam posisi puncak, yaitu sebagai pemimpin yang kekuasaannya melebihi penguasa ekonomi dari etnis Tionghoa. Kekuasaan Karmodo ini diperkuat dengan sifat-sifat positif yang ada pada dirinya. Melalui kekuasaan dan sifat-sifat positif inilah etnis Jawa dalam novel ini mampu meruntuhkan stereotip negatif mengenai etnisnya.

Pada akhir novel pembaca dibawa pada alur cerita yang mengejutkan dan mengharukan. Diceritakan adanya sekelompok bawahan Karmodo yang menghasut para petani penggarap untuk berdemonstrasi melawan kekuasaan Karmodo, untuk meminta kembali lahan garapan mereka yang dulu dikuasai oleh Bian Biau sebagai majikan. Karmodo sebagai sasaran demonstrasi akhirnya diselamatkan oleh Lien Nio yang mewarisi usaha Bian Biu. Kejadian ini menyebabkan hubungan Karmodo dan Lien Nio yang berakhir karena adanya konflik dan kesalahpahaman kembali bersemi. Mereka berdua akhirnya bersatu. Penyatuan cinta ini dalam novel TTJ ditanggapi seperti dalam kutipan berikut.

“Nanging yen Lien Nio beda Kang. Dheweke kuwi calon garwane Pak Karmodo. Olehe tunangan wis suwe. Malah kabar wiwit Pak Karsonto dadi jongose Bian Biau.”

Rembug iki mesthi wae nuwuhake pengarep-arep becik. Grombolane wong-wong sing padha ngrasani nasibe kuwi sakala katon sigrak. Katon bingar dadakan…(Esmiet, 1977: 92).

“Tapi kalau Lien Nio berbeda Kang. Dia itu calon istrinya Pak Karmodo. Sudah lama bertunangan. Malah kabarnya sejak Pak Karsonto jadi jongosnya Bian Biau”

Pembicaraan ini sudah pasti menumbuhkan harapan-harapan baik. Gerombolan orang yang sedang membicarakan nasibnya itu, langsung terlihat bersemangat. Cerah ceria seketika…

Kutipan di atas mengandung makna bahwa penyatuan cinta Karsini-Ing Liem dan Karmodo-Lien Nio yang merupakan gambaran pembauran etnis Jawa dan Tionghoa akan memberikan angin segar dan harapan baru bagi kehidupan masyarakat, baik etnis Jawa maupun Tionghoa pada masa yang akan datang.

E.    Penutup

Novel Tunggak-Tunggak Jati merupakan novel yang memuat keinginan dan angan-angan kolektif etnis Jawa untuk menempatkan dirinya sejajar, bahkan lebih tinggi daripada etnis Tionghoa yang dalam ordonansi warisan kolonial berada satu tingkat lebih tinggi. TTJ juga mengisyaratkan pentingnya asimilasi dan pembauran antaretnis Jawa dan Tionghoa. Novel ini juga mengusung amanat bahwa pada generasi kedua (generasi penerus), sentimen antaretnis Jawa-Tionghoa tidak perlu terjadi lagi, kesejajaran antaretnis Jawa dan Tionghoa dapat selalu terpelihara sehingga tidak timbul deskriminasi-deskriminasi etnis yang merugikan berbagai pihak.

DAFTAR PUSTAKA

Bhabha, Homi K. 1994. The Location of Culture. London: Routledge.

Budiman, Manneke. 2006. “Masalah Sudut Pandang dan Dilema Kritik Pasca Kolonial” dalam Clearing a Space, Kritik Pasca Kolonial tentang Sastra Indonesia Modern. (ed. Foulcher dan Day, Keith dan Tony). Jakarta: Yayasan Obor Indonesia.

Esmiet. 1977. Tunggak-Tunggak Jati. Jakarta: Pustaka Jaya.

Faruk. 2007. Belenggu Pasca-Kolonial, Hegemoni dan Resistensi dalam Sastra Indonesia. Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar.

Liliani, Else. 2007. “Struktur Naratif 9 Oktober 1740 Karya Remy Silado: Sebuah Kajian Poskolonial”. Tesis S2. Yogyakarta: Pascasarjana UGM.

Nurgiyantoro, Burhan. 2005. Teori Pengkajian Fiksi. Yogyakarta: Gadjah Mada University Press.

Pemilia, Kartika. 2006. “Geliat Muslim Tionghoa di Kota Pahlawan” diakses dari www.swaramuslim.net pada 27 November 2007.

Purwanto, Bambang. 2007. “Menjadi Jawa di Tengah-Tengah Pengasingan yang Berlanjut (Pengantar)” diakses dari www.mail-archive.com pada 26 November 2007.

Suryadinata, Leo. 2003. “Etnik Tionghoa, Pribumi Indonesia dan Kemajemukan: Peran Negara, Sejarah, dan Budaya dalam Hubungan Antaretnis” diakses dari iccsg.wordpress.com pada 27 November 2007.

Susetyo, Budi DP. - . “Krisis Identitas Etnis Cina di Indonesia” diakses dari http: www.unika.ac.id pada 26 November 2007.

Wahid, Abdul. 2003. “Proses Menjadi (Tidak) Indonesia?, Persepsi dan Memori Massa-Rakyat Tionghoa di Yogyakarta” dalam Identitas dan Poskolonialitas di Indonesia. (ed. Budi Susanto). Yogyakarta: Kanisius.

Winarta, Frans Hendra. 2005. “Hambatan Sosial Budaya dalam Pembauran Masyarakat Tionghoa dengan Masyarakat Lokal” diakses dari www.komisihukum.go.id/ pada 27 November 2007.

THE TRACE OF YASADIPURA II: A SURAKARTA’S POET, THE DEVOTEE OF FIVE KING

THE TRACE OF YASADIPURA II:

A SURAKARTA’S POET, THE DEVOTEE OF FIVE KING

Venny Indria Ekowati

A Master Student of National University of Malaysia

ABSTRACT

Yasadipura II (YS II) is one of Surakarta’s poets who became a servant to five kings, namely Paku Buwana (PB) III, IV, V, VI, and VII. During his life of becoming the palace’s poet, YS II had produced literary works that became an integral part of the Renaissance period of Javanese literature. In addition to the works of adaptation and translation, YS II also wrote some original works completed alone or together with his father. YS II was known as a vocal and critical poet in addressing the running of the crippled government. In addition, YS II also wrote extensively about the moral crisis occurred in Surakarta during his lifetime. Although his works are monumental, yet the biography of YS II is not widely known. This is caused by the lack of obtainable data to construct his complete biography. Various reasons are given related to the lack of data about the life and works of YS II. Therefore, this paper tries to reveal in more depth about the figure of YS II, his biography, education, career, and works.

A.    Introduction

The Javanese traditional wisdom is recorded in many works of poets of the past. Certain names such as Ranggawarsita, Mangkunegara IV, Yasadipura I (YS I), YS II, IV Buwana Nails, Nails Buwana V etc. have often been heard as poets who produced a master piece in Javanese literature. Those poets mentioned above lived in one period, namely the period of Surakarta. Winter in Zamenspraken (1882) also noted that there were at least fourteen poets at the time. Those poets were YS I, YS II, and Duke of Prince in Semawis, Ngabehi Sastrawijaya, Duke of Semawis, Panembahan Madurese, Ngabehi Kertadiwirya, Rangga Awikrama Mas, Mas Ranggawarsita, Ngabehi Yudasara, Kyai Ranggasutrasna, and Prince Adilangu.

These poets were the activator of Javanese renaissance’s literature. This period was marked by the number of re-adaptation and arrangement of the Old Javanese and Melayu Islam’s works. Renaissance period was an often debatable subject among the experts of Javanese literature who consider that Javanese’s renaissance is only an imagination not supported by sufficient evidence. But apart from that, rather than debating on whether or not there is a renaissance period, the presence of those poets is a living proof and Javanese literature development is consistent with the development of the cultural life of Javanese people. There have been many scientists who have tried to compile the genealogy and the history of the past lives of these poets. However, among the compilations, it is only some of them which are quite complete. It is the CVs of the famous poet, Ranggawarsi, which is mainly accomplished. In addition, the kings who are also poets have fairly complete biography as well. The biography of YS I is also moderately complete along with the publication of Tus Pajang (Margapranata et al, 1986). Besides what have already been mentioned above, the information about the other poets have not been sufficiently organized. One of them is YS II who is among those poets of Surakarta in the service of five kings. The Data about YS II is very limited. Apparently, the researchers are not very interested to construct the biography and the life history of YS II. The possibility might be because the incomplete data about YS II, whether because these data were destroyed deliberately, since poets are so vocal in criticizing the king and the official court, or indeed that there are no adequate data recording of this poet.

Through a thorough literature study from various sources, this paper tries to trace back the biography of YS II, whether that involves the history of his descendants, education, and his works. This paper is expected to provide additional information about YS II as one of the great poets of Surakarta palace.

B.     History Yasadipura Descent II

The Family Lineage of YS II was based on the secondary sources. The Source to identify the life of YS II was difficult to obtain because of the loss of many writings about YS II. It was Perhaps for the political factors, so that the information about YS II was deliberately destroyed. The same opinion was also uttered by the researchers on YS II’s manuscript works, among them was Yahya (2008) which also stated that many of these manuscripts and information about YS II were not disclosed to the public. In addition, many manuscripts of the works of YS II were missing. Sukri (2004: 1) also stated that the information about YS II is difficult to obtain due to the unavailability of a representative writing of his memoirs. Secondary sources are used to discover the life of YS II which generally was obtained from books that discuss about his father's life entitled  YS I, and his grandson namely Raden Ngabehi Ranggawarsita.

Mulyanto (1990: 37-38) explains that the ancestors of YS II are as follows.

Sultan Hadiwijaya (Raja Pajang)

Pangeran Benawa (Sultan Prabuwijaya)

Pangeran Mas (Panembahan Radin)

Pangeran Wiramanggala I

Pangeran Wiraatmaja

Pangeran Wirasewaya

Pangeran Danupati

Pangeran Danupaya

Raden Tumenggung Padmanagara + Siti Maryam

Raden Tumenggung YS I

Raden Tumenggung YS II

Based on the above pedigree, it can be concluded that YS II was born a nobleman who is a descendant of the tenth king of Pajang. Therefore, it is often referred to as Tus Pajang or the descent of Pajang. In addition, the grandmother YS II is also the daughter of a well-knownIslamic religious leader (ulama), namely Kalipah Carepu.

YS II was born in 1760 and died at the age of 84 years, precisely in 1844 (Humpreys, 2009: 198). YS II is a great poet who inherited the intellectuality of his fathers. According Witari (1991), Raden Tumenggung Padmanagara is Mataram soldier who gave a big advantage for our country. He helped Sultan Agung of Mataram in the fight against the Dutch colonialists. Because of his services here, Padmanagara was then appointed to be the mayor of Pekalongan. The Dutch later captured and discarded Padmanegara to Palembang, Sumatra, because of his continuous struggle against the Dutch. While in Sumatra, Padmanagara learned from a Kyai named Kyai Jaenal Abidin. Having escaped from the exile, Padmanegara lived in Pengging and was subsequently employed by the palace as Abdi Dalem Bupati Jeksa in Kartasura. Since then on, this was the start of the career Padmanagara continued to his descendants.

YS I of Kraton Surakarta was a great poet, the father of YS II. YS I is considered as the father of Surakarta literary, because he descended many great poets who served for Keraton Surakarta. According to legend, the birth of YS I was extraordinary. He was born covered and encircled by intestine. The possibility of this legend is that for people to believe more toward the legitimacy of his supernatural power. Thus, his birth is likened with the birth of Bhima, the Javanese wayang figure who was also born already wrapped up.

According to a book Tus Pajang which was written by his offspring, YS I was born on Friday Pahing, on Sapar month, Jimakir year of 1654. But this history chronicle was refuted by Ricklefs (1997) who stated that Friday Pahing of Sapar in 1654 only fell on 14 Sapar or on 9 September 1729 year 1654, and not in the year of Jimakir but in the year of Je.

According to Ricklefs, the Date of YS I’s death mentioned in Tus Pajang (1997) is also wrong. It was mentioned that Yasadipura Pahing died on Good Friday (Friday pahing). Friday Pahing of month Sapar in year 1654 of AJ only occurred on 14 Sapar or 9 September 1729. But 1654 AJ was Je year, not Jimakir. If the year remains Jimakir 1650 (AD 1725-6), the combination Pahing Friday did not possible to happen in Sapar. Likewise, in the month of Sapar, Jimakir 1658 (AD 1733-4). Thus, the given data about the birth of YS I contained at least one mistake in the name of the year and there are possibilities of the other errors. Friday Pahing, Sapar 14, AJ 1654 (9 September 1729) is a combination that might occur. Although it is also rational to assume that the writers of Tus Pajang do not necessarily comprehend the names of the year during its eight years (windu) moving cycle. The Java Year of 1728 is Be Year and in that year, 20 Dulkangidah Legi fell on Thursday legi, not Monday kliwon. The accurate date should be 20 Dulkangidah, Wau 1729 or similar to March 14, 1803.

The Devotion of YS I at Surakarta palace began when he was promoted to become soldiers of Nameng Jaya with the special task of carrying arms palace, named Kyai Chakra. After becoming a soldier, his name was changed into Kudapanggawe, and he lived at Sindusena Tumenggung’s house. His talent was recognized by Pakubuwono II when he stopped at Panaraga Tumenggung Sindusena’s house when he was on his way home from Panaraga and would return to the capital city. Pakubuwana II then entrusted Kuda penggawe to Prince Wijil, a poet who works in the Duchy (Kadipaten) (Margana, 2004: 144-146).

After being guided by Prince Wijil, his talent was increasingly prominent and was later called a cadet poet (pujangga taruna). His boss then saw YS I’s natural talent in terms of literature. He therefore was commanded to be a servant in Prince Wijil’s house. In addition to his devotion, the young Yasadipura was also ordered to develop his literary ability, because Prince Wijil was also known as a good writer. After the Kartasura was moved to Surakarta palace, YS I became the man of the Duchy and was appointed royal poet. YS I was considered the father of the renaissance of Surakarta.

The works of YS I were difficult to be distinguished from the works of YS II because both of them often worked together to produce a work of literature. The language style and the diction among them were almost similar. This was stated by Poerbatjaraka (1957: 129-132) who declared that because Kyai YS I and II had worked together for a long time in doing a work of literature, then it is mostly difficult to distinguish the work of each. It often happened that a work was initiated by YS I and later completed by YS II and vice versa. In addition, there is also this possibility that in writing a literary work, this process was divided into two parts. The first part was written by YS I and the others were written by his son, YS II. If it is identified through lelewaning basa, the difference was very subtle in the ‘language style' and kikidungan leting wanci. Thus, there are many experts who discuss the issues of Yasadipura works will just mix them.

Ricklefs (1997) attempted to discuss the works of YS I which have become the subject of many discussions by literary scholars. Ricklefs retrieve a list of three experts to examine the actual literary works of YS I. Each of the list is compiled by Winter (1911: 352-354), Sasrasumarta (1939), and Poerbatjaraka (1957: 129-45, 159-616). Based on the lists compiled by those three experts, there are sixteen title works which are possible to be the work of YS I. The title of these works are (1) Tajusalatin, (2) Iskandar, (3) Panji Anggraeni, (4) Babad Nagari Paliyan (Babad Giyanti), (5) Serat Sewaka, (6) Serat Anbiya, (7) Serat Menak , (8) Serat Baratayudha, (9) Prayud Chronicle, (10) Serat Cebolek, (11) Pasindhen Badhaya, (12) Arjunawiwaha Jarwa, (13) Rama Jarwa, (14) Panitisastra Kawi Miring, (15) Dewa Ruci jarwa , and (16) Babad Pakepung. Those Written texts were inspired by the contemporary social situation, and partly as an adaptation or arrangement of the old manuscripts. For example, Serat Anbiya was a free adaptation of Malaysian version derived from the Persian tales (Riddell, 2008).

Among the 16 works mentioned as the works of YS I, there are at least six doubtful works, namely Tajusalatin, Menak, Iskandar, Sewaka, Arjunawiwaha Jarwa, and Cabolek. Tajusalatin was not believed to be the original work of YS I, because the date of this manuscript writing was in 1840, long before YS I died. Then, Menak script is also doubted as the work of YS I, because there is one manuscript which mentions that the script was written by Queen Blitar. It is possible YS I rewrote the manuscript. Serat Iskandar is also doubted as the genuine work of YS I. This serat was composed by Queen Pakubuwono in 1729, and at that time, YS I was still a baby, and it is impossible for him to write the manuscript.

Similarly, it happened to Serat Sewaka which is often seen as the work of YS I. The oldest manuscript version of Serat Sewaka was found in Berlin Staatsbibliothek MS Or. fol. 402 (Pigeaud 1975:226-7). When Serat Sewaka was written,

YS I was still a child and was learning from Kyai Onggamaya and could not be able to write a script equivalent to Serat Sewaka.

The other manuscript not considered as the original work of YS I was Arjunawiwaha Jarwa. This was proven by a research conducted by Kuntara (1990: 3, 6, 325), which states that the oldest version of Arjunawiwaha Jarwa was authored by an interpreter of the Dutch language, CF Winter. While Serat Cebolek, which is very famous in Javanese community, was also doubted as the work of YS I because this script was written in 1731. In this year, YS I was still two years old and would not likely be able to write a script like Serat Cebolek.

Although there was many pros and cons about the works of YS I, but it can not be denied that YS I was a productive poet. At least ten major works had successfully been produced during his lifetime, and there were always possibilities that many anonymous (no author's name) works are actually written by YS I. Given to the long literary tradition which led an author to not mention his/her name in a literary work? Or it might be caused due to the centric court system. YS I’s capability in writing literary works was apparently inherited to his children, grandchildren and great-grandson. After YS I, YS II replaced YS I as the court poet. Afterward, two of his grandchildren were appointed as the palace poet as well. Furthermore, his great-grandson also inherited a big talent of their ancestors, becoming a great poet known as Ranggawarsita. She is the last poet in the literary world of the Palace of Surakarta (Kraton Surakarta).

YS II is a mixture of two breed of nobility and students. The Royal blood was inherited from his ancestor, who was the main royal of Pajang kingdom. Therefore, the descendants of Pajang Royals, specifically after YS I, were known as Tus Pajang or Pajang descent. The religious nobility blood was inherited from her grandmother who was the daughter of a renowned scholar in the areas of Caripu. Since childhood, YS II lived in palace neighborhood. On 10th of July 1741, there was a big outbreak occurred in Kartasura called geger Pacinan, it was a rebellion carried out by Chinese people because they felt that they were unfairly treated. The Chinese troops took over the palace of Kartasura. However, with the help of the Netherlands, Pakubuwono II could eventually seize back Kraton Kartasura on 21 December 1742. The kingdom had been ravaged and ruined. Finally, on February 17th 1746, Kartasura palace was officially moved to Surakarta (Suara Merdeka, 2004). At this point of time, YS I began to serve as a poet in Surakarta palace.

When YS II was born, his father had already become a poet in the palace for fourteen years. His father had already had steady position and his father even had become a poet of trust in the Surakarta palace. The Father of YS II had contributed a lot to Pakubuwa III. Therefore, Pakubuwono IV once considered YS I to be elected governor (patih). However this was rejected by YS I by the reason of advanced age. While the three sons of YS I were also appointed as regent. They were (1) Raden Tumenggung Sastranagara who held the rank of Carik Regent, (2) Raden Tumenggung YS III who was appointed as a Duchy Regent, and (3) Raden Tumenggung Amongpraja who was appointed as an Attorney Regent (Margapranata, 1986: 25).

C.    The Life History of YS II

1.      The Childhood of YS II

Yasadipura was born in 1760 and died on 3 Rabiulakir Ehe 1772 or 21 April 1844 AD (Mulyanta, 1972: 16). Shortly after birth, YS II was given the name Good Vasistha. Cassier (1990: 41) states that man is an animal symbolicum, which means that the symbolic ownership and symbolic behavior are the typical of human traits and that all cultural advancement is based on those conditions. Based on the above signification, it can be said that man can not be separated from symbol, because what is done by humans above is a symbol for himself and for others. Similarly the name giving in Javanese tribe also contains certain symbols that show the degree of nobility and the expectations for the child.

The word Bagus in the name of Vasistha showed that he was the descendant of an aristocrat or a noble. The noble label of Kasunanan Surakarta is divided into several levels. According to Serat Andhel Kasunanan, carik: 112: 69 in Mulyanto (1990: 21), the titles are as follow:

Grad V (Wareng King)

No.	Children	Adult
1.	Boy: Raden Bagus Girl: Raden Rara	Raden Raden Nganten

Grad VI (Udheg-Udheg)

No.	Children	Adult
1.	Boy: Mas Girl: Mas Rara	Mas Mas Nganten

Grad VII (Gantung Siwur)

No.	Children	Adult
1.	Boy: Bagus Girl: Rara	Mas Mbok Nganten

Grad VIII (Goprak Molo atau Goprak Senthe)

No.	Children	Adult
1.	Boy: Bagus Girl: Rara	Mas Mbok Nganten

Grad IX (Ranawa and so on)

No.	Children	Adult
1.	Boy: Bagus Girl: Mbok Rara	Bagus Mas Nganten

YS II was permitted to use the title bagus because he was a direct descendant of King Pajang. But already been a descendant of Ranawa or grad V and etc, he was still entitled to have the title bagus, despite the fact that that he had already grouped as little people.

If following his title as a descendant of King Pajang, the title of bagus still may be used. This title showed that the wearer was still king despite being distant descendants. However, the title of bagus was also obtained by YS II because his father was the progenitor and Abdi Dalem who bore the title Raden Tumenggung.

Thus Wasita still deserved to use the title Great. Wasita’s name derives from the word Wasis or wasita. Those two words have the meanings "smart and able to give advice '(Poerwadarminta, 1937: 657). The name Wasita is the hope that someday the child can be smart, is able to give advice to the other fellow human beings.

2.      The Education of YS II

The Dutch restricted the access of the indigenous population to get formal education. During the time of Yasadipura, formal education did not exist yet. Although as a royal, YS II was privileged to have education, but all of that should be taken seriously by the family, not by the royal party. The childhood of YS II was spent in the palace. Since child, he was familiar with the rules in the kingdom, in terms of talking and behavior. He was also taught about Islamic religious manner since child, but on the other hand, He also learned about the culture of Java. His father was an intellectual and occupied an important role at the palace. Therefore, YS II had many privileged in terms of treatment and education. Before the age of seven, YS II got education in the family environment. In this period, children were taught to read short surahs from the Qur’an by his parents. Then he was also taught to write and read the Qur'an (Mulyanto, 1990: 31). Because his father was a poet, there is a possibility that YS II was also taught about the culture and philosophy of Kejawaan form the manuscripts written by his father, and the other poets. Therefore, although YS II was a devout follower of Islam, but he still had a thick soul of Javanese and it influenced the soul and the literary works he produced (Yahya, 2008).

YS II’s mastery of Kawi language was also inherited from his family and the education he achieved at the palace. However, family of poet was the only one who wanted to study the tradition of learning Kawi language; it is because Kawi Language did not attach with it great importance or the concrete benefits except for them to be able to read script written in Java (Margana, 2004: 131).

YS II studied Kawi language conscientiously whether by translating several Kawi books or by authoring his Kawi own books. Even many people said that the language ability of YS II on Kawi language was better than his father’s.

Because not taught specifically, the ability to perform Javanese Kawi language of the poets such as YS I and II were not very good either. This ability is only studied in a self-taught, without the presence of a teacher. This statement is in tune with the opinions of Perbatjaraka (1953: 130-131), which says that YS I changed Serat Rama by leaving the parts that are not understood by the author.

This section is then replaced by not changing the story line, for instance the ornaments and so forth. However, in certain less comprehensive places yet can not be abandoned, think it over and become one of intent. This is understandable because the author does not have the means to learn Kawi language. However, the ability of the author in composing sentences in the chant in the other manuscripts are often the result of an author's reading of the serat in Kawi language which already exists or is still present.

Then at the age around seven to eight, YS II was sent to a boarding school to receive religious education. Since the time of Mataram, Sultan Agung already required every kawedan and village to build a mosque. The mosque is used as a means for the society to learn religion. Young children also learn from a muezzin at the mosque. Once the children can fluently read the Qur'an, they are then obliged to finish his first Koran reading in order that parents send them to a boarding school.

Children up to seven years of age who have not been able to read the Qur'an will be missed and certainly be ashamed of his friends (Yunus in Sukri, 2004: 222-224). Datuk YS II was an exceptional diligent student. In his youth, he learned the order in Palembang. Besides, he also became a poet. His famous work is Suluk Tekawardi, as famous Sufi teachings (Florida, 2000). Following the footsteps of his father, YS I also studied at a boarding school. He studied under Kyai Honggamaya in Kedu. YS I began to study Arabic literature and literature of Java. At age 14, He completed his studies in Pesantren Kedu. YS II's father was a devout religious pupil, a pupil who was pious and run Islamic religion well. Therefore, since childhood YS II had also started to teach Islamic preaching.

Similar to his grandfather, Padmanagara and also his father, YS II took formal education at an Islamic boarding school. The boarding school in which his father chose as YS II’s place to learn was Tegalsari boarding school in Ponorogo. This boarding school was owned by Kyai Imam Besari I. it was founded by Pakubuwono II as a reward for the services Kyai Imam Besari gave. This place has a high historical value, because Pakubuwono II fled here to get a spiritual peace (Florida, 2000). The close friend of YS II during his stay at that boarding school was Kyai Faith Besari II (1762-1862) who later continued his father's leadership at the seminary. Kyai Imam Besari II then married a widow as a gift of Pakubuwono IV and had a son who later became Panaraga Regent (Margana, 2004: 133). This boarding school will also be used to learn Bagus Burhan (Raden Ngabehi Ranggawarsita), the grandson of YS I, which was known as the closing poet of Surakarta palace.

Islamic Boarding School is a non-formal educational institution chosen by the descendants of Yasadipura to give his descendants a great number of knowledge. Islamic Boarding School is an important social institution that contains the entities toward social life which surrounds them. Until the present time, the system of Islamic boarding school education still exists and grows in the Javanese society. During its development, many famous Islamic boarding schools are shifted into Modern, traditional, and semi-modern boarding schools.

The Boarding schools during which YS II studied was of course still a traditional boarding school with the characteristics of: (1) had no Modern central handling system. The maintenance was centered to the rules made by Kyai and was translated by the accomplice of the boarding school, (2) firmly attached to the figure of Kyai as the central figure. Each policy was the authority of Kyai, in this case was Imam Besari I. At this time, kyai occupied the role as Hakam, namely the cult and he held a central role, which sometimes made the dialogue process not occur. The Leaders also act as a conduit of fatwa to those who were responsible for solving problems occurred at the seminary. Kyai’s decision must be accepted by the conflicting parties, (3) the pattern and the system of education was still traditional, one-way teaching. The Leaders spoke, and the students listened cautiously and (4) the structure of the building was simple and ir usually integrated with the surrounding communities (Farchan, 2005: 1-2). During his stay at the seminary, YS II studied religious sciences and books. Armed with knowledge from this pesantren, YS II was able to write babat Sasana Sunu and serat musa, who carries the philosophy and the teachings of Islam.

According to Fokkens in Sukri (2004: 6), at that time, education in Tegalsari boarding school was distributed in two levels. They were beginners and advanced levels. The beginner students were taught writing and reading in Arabic. If the students had already been good at reading and writing in Arabic, they can proceed to advanced level. The Material at an advanced level was learning by employing books written in Arabic letter & language. However, to ease the students, the Java script language was also used as a selingan. After finished completing his education at the seminary and YS II then returned to the palace and helped his father as the carik of kapujanggan. The carrier of YS II during his stay in palace will be explained next.

3.      The Career of YS II

The career of YS II as the keraton/palace poet began when he graduated from his study in Tinatar Panaraga Gerbang Islamic boarding school. The Grandfather of YS II was Raden Tumenggung Padmanagara and the father of YS I was a servant in Surakarta Palace. If the young intelligent or small people were to be aristocracy class, they are required to go through several stages. They were suwita, internships, and graduation.

After obtaining the rank of kliwon, YS II deserved to use the title Raden Ngabehi. Raden designation was given to the descendants of the king in grad V and beyond. Therefore, the giving of raden title had already been attuned to the position of YS II as the tenth descendant. While Ngabehi title was given because this was a title for someone who had the official panewu, kliwon, and mantri positions, (Mulyanto, 1990: 25). After that, the name ‘Pajang Wasita’ was re-named into Ngabehi Ranggawarsita Raden. This name was derived from the word warsita or wursita which meant ‘sayings, advice, or creating, composing’. Thus, nowadays, the word can give meaning into Warsita discussion or assessment in the field of poetry (Mulyanta, 1972: 16).

At the present time, literary scholars often refer to Java as Raden Ngabehi YS I Ranggawarsita I to distinguish YS I from his son and grandson. The oldest son of YS II also uses the same name, Raden Ngabehi Ranggawarsita II. He also worked as a poet at the palace before he was captured and exiled by the Dutch. This name is also used by the grandchild of YS I, who later become known as a great poet, Raden Ngabehi Ranggawarsita III.

The career of YS II was increasingly brilliant at the turn of the century fron XVIII century to XIX century. He was like a shining star at Keraton Surakarta because it works brilliantly within the field of literature. YS II wrote many original literary works of his own. In addition, he also worked with his father in writing a piece of work. YS II also worked with the other authors, mainly those working in Kraton Surakarta. He also translated several works of in the classical Kawi language. In 1803, YS I’s father died.

Later at the same year, YS II was appointed poet by Kraton Surakarta in which he inherited his father's title. He was later given the gift of the name Raden Ngabehi YS II. From 1810 to 1820, YS II was increasingly active in writing and translating several literary works.

In 1826, YS II promoted to be the Carik of Regent Duchy. After receiving this rank, YS II then used Tumenggung title. The name of Raden Tumenggung YS II was often called Raden Tumenggung Sastranagara. This was the last rank and title carried by YS II until his death in 1844.

YS II was among the well-respected and appreciated writers by the king. It was proven by the regular visit carried out by PB King IX and X to his tomb in Umbul Pengging (wartawarga.gunadarma.ac.id). A Pilgrimage to visit the tomb is one of the important processions for the Javanese. Pilgrimage is usually carried out before the month of Ramadan. For adherents of the pre Islamic teachings, a pilgrimage is intended to ask for blessings from the dead. Giving an Offering to the deceased in order to survive and be helped by the deceased. PB IX, and X were the follower of Islam. For adherents of Islam, the purpose of pilgrimage is to pray for the dead ancestors to be forgiven from their sins and get a good place on God’s side. In addition, the grave pilgrimage also aims to reward people who have died for his services, so the living can imitate it. The other goal is to remember the dead, so that every human being who is still alive remembers about death (John 2009:70-71).

D.    the Works of YS II

1. The Works of YS II According to Experts

Literary scholars have expressed their diverse opinions about the literary works written by YS II. But in general, they say that the works of YS II is difficult to separate from the works of YS I because they had worked together for years to produce literary works. Below are several opinions by literary experts about the works of YS II, summarized as follows.

No.	Nancy Florida (2000)	Roby Muh. Yahya (2007)	Poerbatjaraka (1957)	Nancy Florida (1993)
1.	Lokapala	Lokapala	Arjunasasra (Lokapala)	-
2.	Babad Pakepung	Babad Pakepung	Babad Pakepung	Babad Pakepung
3.	Wicara Keras	Wicara Keras	Wicara Keras	Wicara Keras
4.	Serat Musa	Serat Musa	-	Serat Nabi Musa
5.	Serat Anbiya	Serat Anbiya	Serat Anbiya	-
6.	-	Panitisastra	Panitisastra Kawi Jawa	Panitisastra
7.	-	-	Babad Prayud	Babad Prayud
8.	Centhini	-	Serat Centhini	-
9.			Dewa Ruci Jarwa	Dewa Ruci
10.	Bima Suci Kawi Miring	Bima Suci	-	-
11.	-	-	Serat Menak	Serat Menak
12.	Suluk Burung	-	-	Suluk Burung Puyuh Kutuk Pelatuk
13.	-	Dasanama Kawi-Jawa	-	-
14.	-	Bratayudha	-	-
15.	-	Ramayana	-	-
16.	-	Uran-uran Semut Ireng	-	-
17.	-	Serat Sastra Cetha	-	-
18.	-	-	Darmasunya	-
19.	-	-	-	Bratasunu
20.	-	-	-	Sewaka
21.	-	-	Serat Tajusalatin	-
22.	-	-	-	Serat Jaka Pengasih
23.	-	-	-	Sasana Sunu
24.	-	-	-	Suluk Panduking Dudunungan
25.	-	-	-	Serat Candrageni
26.	-	-	-	Serat Pranacitra

According to (Yahya, 2008) serat Lokapala was written in 1824 AD. YS II translated Serat Lokapala Kawi in Modern Javanese traditional songs and in songs returned to Italic Kawi of the Old Javanese language. Serat Arjuna Sasra or Lokapala was written by YS II from serat Arjuna Wijaya. This manuscript was made during the reign of PB V (Poerbatjaraka, 1957: 137). This script was the script adaptation of the Kawi language of Javanese script. On the other hand, Babad Pakepung was a script written by YS II. This manuscript is the documentation of 1790’s Crisis in Surakarta and is the subject of Babad Pakepung, a manuscript of sixty-one pages in length. This manuscript was probably written in the 19th century by R. Ng. YS II (Ricklefs, 1997).

            Babad Pakepung is a story about tumultuous state of Kraton Surakarta. The cause of the chaos was the attitude of Pakubuwono IV in defending three guru dalem (dalem teacher) who were considered to give bad influence toward Pakubuwono IV. These guru dalem influenced Pakubuwono IV to take over the Netherlands’ administration and unify Mataram. Moreover, they were accused of teaching heresy. Although they acknowledged themselves as pious students, they still used magic and amulets. It was also mentioned in babad Mangkubumi that teachers were still breaking things forbidden by religion. However, the opinion of the palace servants and the Dutch residents in the authoritative of Greeve were not trusted by Pakubuwono IV.

Therefore, the Netherlands, the Sultanate of Yogyakarta, and the Mangkunegaran held a meeting to discuss issues related to Pakubuwono IV’s attitudes. The three parties finally agree to cooperate in carrying out an attack to Kraton Surakarta. The Dutch began to make strategies. Susuhunan ought to be stopped and if necessary, attact the susuhunan. The Dutch received additional troops from Europe and Batavia; they also hired soldiers from Madura. It also received support from Mangkunegara with the promise of being given 4000 real each year. Furthermore, the agreement was also made with the Emperor and the crown prince of Yogyakarta (Ricklefs, 2002: 518-524). Finally, Kraton Surakarta was besieged for days. The situation was extremely tense because this was the first military action undertaken by the Dutch after there was no military action in the past thirty years. However, Pakubuwono IV could finally be persuaded by sentana dalem and abdi dalem to hand over the students, in order for the weapon contact could be avoided.

This event was immortalized by YS II through his writing, Babad Pakepung. This work is the last work made by YS II before he died. Wicara Keras was also written by YS II. This manuscript is closely related to Babad Pakepung manuscript. The idea of the story written in this manuscript is also almost similar although it has different emphasis. Babad Pakepung emphasized on the blockade of Surakarta, while Wicara Keras criticized the leadership of Pakubuwono IV including his policies concerning guru dalem. It is possible that Babad Pakepung was made in collaboration with YS I.

            YS II also wrote Serat Musa that contained the biography or the life of Prophet Moses. YS II was indeed fond of writing manuscripts about leadership. The writing of this manuscript is one proof of his admiration toward the leadership of Moses. Prophet Moses was an example model of leadership. Hadi W (2009) stated that Prophet Moses was a leader who carried the category of 'Ulil albab. A leader who had the power to govern his people, yet still led a simple life and not shackled by materialism and worldly pomp. They exercised power for spiritual purposes, not for the mere material purpose. This script was written by YS II in 1810-1812, in Surakarta (Florida, 2000). Although Serat Anbiya manuscript appeared in the three of the above list, but Ricklefs (1997) argued that this manuscript is the work of YS I, the father of YS II. Serat Panitisastra is also the work of Yasadipura. According to Poerbatjaraka (1957: 135), baboon or the core of the serat is Nitisastra.

In 1798, this manuscript was made into italic Kawi, later in 1808 it was made into Kawi Jarwa. Then in 1819, it was recomposed by Puspawilaga into a prose. Kawi Panitisastra Miring was made by YS I. while in Kawi Jarwa, it was made by YS II. Serat Panitisastra was also copied by PB III in the Surakarta era into Kawi Sekar Miring Javanese. This literary work contains the instructions to become a good state servant/abdi. The Stem writing of this script employed Serat Panitisastra, a work by YS I.

One of the great works of literature in the history of Java is Serat Centhini or sometimes called Suluk Tembang Raras. Centhini is similar to Modern Javanese encyclopaedia containing the Javanese various sciences and indigenous values. Centhini is an adaptation from Serat Jatiswara that had ever been observed by T.E. Behrend (1995). Centhini was written by the suggestion of Pakubuwono V. It contains any life aspects of the Javanese society. There is also knowledge about religion, livelihood, living equipment, art, language, culture, etc. According to Wikipedia (2010), Centhini was written in collaboration by Raden Ngabehi Ranggasutrasna, Raden Ngabehi YS II (formerly named Raden Ngabehi Ranggawarsita I), and Raden Ngabehi Sastradipura.

Those three poets have their own tasks in terms of the collection of the material.  Ranggasutrasna was responsible to explore the eastern part of Java Island, and YS II was in charge to explore the western part of Java, and Sastradipura was responsible to do a pilgrimage to Mecca and to perfect his knowledge of Islam. Ranggasutrasna commenced it first, and then it was followed by YS II and the collection was arranged by Sastradipura. Prince Adipati Anom then compiled chapter 5 until chapter 10 by himself.  

Serat Dewa Ruci Jarwa is a manuscript having a vague author. It is caused by the possibility that this manuscript was also written in collaboration between YS I and YS II. However, Poerbatjaraka (1957: 140-141) stated that Serat Dewa Ruci Jarwa is the work of Kyai YS II, on the New Testament V initiative. This script has frequently been printed. The adaptation of this script is not brilliant because it was deficient in terms of knowledge about the Kawi language. Dewa Ruci made by YS II is the adaptation version of Dewa Ruci made by Raden Ngabehi YS I. When his essay was written, Surakarta palace had just recovered from a crisis caused by internal rebellion, but the VOC further intervened in the politics of the kingdom. The threat of disintegration had long been apparent. This was worsened by the emergence of tension at the coastal areas resulting from the theological conflict between the defenders of Islamic orthodoxy and the heterodox society (Ricklefs in indonesiafile.com, 2008).

E.     Conclusion

YS II was a poet who served five kings. Until now, there are still a lot of works by YS II that have not been studied in depth. YS II was a critical and outspoken poet. His social criticism is especially reflected in the works written during the reign of PB IV. The investigation of YS II’s life is expected to help researchers who work on his manuscripts, particularly in tracing the writing and the historical background of a literary work.

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